`The Philippine’s undiscriminating embrace’

`Everyone has the right to a nationality.’’ Article 15, UN Declaration of Human Rights

``They hope to tell the world about the boundless love that returned to the remaining boat people their inalienable human dignity. That boundless love is none other than the Philippines’ undiscriminating embrace.’’ That moving statement is in a document written on behalf of the Vietnamese boat people who had opted for permanent settlement in the Philippines.

I shed Filipino tears when that was read at the inauguration of Vietville in Puerto Princesa City in Palawan in 1998.

For so long, they were without a country. There was no room for them in the inn. It was the Philippines that made their long wait bearable. It was, in fact, the Philippines that gave many Vietnamese boat people a permanent home when no country out there wanted them.

``16-year stopover finally over,’’ the Inquirer said two days ago of the Vietnamese boat people who had made the Philippines their temporary home. Finally, they were winging their way to the US that had for so long denied them entry. They were just the first batch of 229 from a group of 1,600 stateless individuals who were swept away here. The rest will be flying too in the weeks to come.

But many will be staying behind—either by choice or by force of circumstances. Many have settled in Vietville in Palawan.



It had been a long complicated story. Remember the messy forcible repatriation in 1996. That happened after the so-called ``receiving world’’ wanted to see the end of the exodus of boat people from the Vietnam. The Philippines, home to the United Nations-run processing camps for about two decades, was left with stateless people in its hands. The Philippines had done its part to provide hospitality and services.

In 1996 the UN High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) set up restrictive policies to drive the asylum seekers home. A rigid and prohibitive regimen was imposed on the Philippine First Asylum Camp (PFAC). Self-help projects, education and skills training set up by church NGOs inside PFAC were abolished. Voluntary repatriation was the UNHCR’s offered option. This resulted in hunger strikes and suicide attempts in the Bataan and Palawan refugee camps.

The Catholic Church hierarchy thought of a more humane solution. A memorandum of agreement with the government gave the remaining boat people (RBP) options better than repatriation to Vietnam. But the RBP had to move out of the camps to an open site under the church’s jurisdiction. This arrangement allowed many to continue studying and earning a living like legal residents. They could also opt for repatriation or wait for visas peacefully.

In July 1996, the so-called chapter of the Indochinese phenomenon in the Philippines came to an end. More than 700 persons chose to be repatriated to Vietnam while 1,589 registered for residence. Some 350 applied for temporary residence while waiting to be reunited with their kin abroad. The rest opted for permanent settlement. They are the ``Vietnoys’’ in Vietville.

And so began the efforts to set up a village. The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines’ Episcopal Commission for Migrants and Itinerant People raised $1.3 million from concerned individuals (many of them Vietnamese boat people who had made good abroad) and from funding institutions.

At that time there were the so-called ``ODPs’’ who had come under the ``orderly departure program’’ but who remained in limbo. These were the ones who departed from communist-ruled Vietnam through the auspices of the US government. They were not boat people. They were brought here by the US military for processing and had been promised residence in the US or a third country. They did not think they should be repatriated. They were the hold-outs in the Puerto Princesa camps.

Those who came after 1989 via the South China Sea or any route were no longer going to be considered asylum seekers but economic migrants and would need to go through the regular immigration process. Worse, they could be suspected as criminal fugitives.

Such was the dilemma of the Vietnamese here. During the intensive repatriation drive, some Filipinos took pity on them and took them in.

Well, now the time for many of them to fly to the country of their dreams has come. Will the Philippines remain in their hearts?

In 1995, I did a feature story ``Citizens without A Country’’, for the Sunday Inquirer Magazine. This was about Vietnamese-Filipino families who were in limbo. They were the so-called DPs or displaced families.

Le Thi Khanh came in 1975 with her Filipino partner German and their children. German worked in Saigon for seven years. The war between the US forces and Vietnamese communists forced many people to leave. What happened next was something straight out of a movie melodrama. Khanh and the children found themselves sharing a roof with German’s first wife and seven children. But there was no turning back. Vietnam was in flames.

German soon died and Khanh was left to fend for herself and her children whose status was always problematic. One grown son could not take the board exams.

I don’t know how the DP families whom I wrote about are doing now. They were, at that time, living in a low-cost housing project of the Archdiocese of Manila. I remember Khanh looking so aged at 53, showing me a photo of herself in Vietnam, looking so svelte in a low-cut dress.

She was pounding pandan leaves when I came, extracting its juice for the bansuse (like our suman). The smell was sweet, a reminder of the old Saigon she knew before love and war changed her life forever.

Why isn’t it tipping? (2)

I received varied and interesting feedback via email on my Sept. 15 column piece ``Why isn’t it tipping?’’ The piece was on Malcolm Gladwell’s bestseller and page-turner ``The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Difference’’ and why the much-awaited or much-dreaded (depending on which side you are) tipping point that would make the Arroyo administration fall was not happening. Gladwell’s book presents events in history, real-life examples and studies that show how the tipping point phenomenon works.

I thought I’d share portions from some letters which show the writers’ take on the tipping point.

From ``Xcathedra’’:

``Social cybernetics is one specialized field of discipline that might give other interesting leads on why there was (and still is) a prevailing `social feedback stasis’ before and following the `oust Arroyo’ initiatives.

``In mathematics (fractals and Chaos Theory) and physics, that `tipping’ point is known as the advent of entropy/chaos. I think you might want to read James Gleick's book (it's old in today's standards, but still grippingly enlightening) titled `Chaos’. There you can have a whiff of an analytical framework for dissecting social change. Personally, I suspect that the stasis has something to do (partly) with the current state of equilibrium of the `system’ (public reaction and feedback). To explain: For every introduction of a (change) variable that would induce disequilibrium (or `chaos’) leading to an adjustment or total change of a system, the adjusted or changed system will always emerge stronger than before (whether in the negative or positive sense).

``Having been exposed to several `EDSA events’ and propaganda of agitation, the usual recipe to induce the tipping point/entropy/chaos will not work. It has to have something more potent, something that can weaken the `inured’ (or stronger) new state of equilibrium of the ordinary people's collective response. The pond has endured too many small stones that another one will just create small ripples. You need a bigger stone or a new object that can induce the pond's waters to roil.

``Whether consciously or unconsciously perhaps, the collective response system of ordinary people has adapted and has been inured by too much reference (classic Philippine politics since Quezon sought a country governed like hell by Filipinos) to the quest for truth and morality (by the politicians, bureaucrats, members of the civil society, church, et al). Truth with the capital T matters. But the collective response system of ordinary people is in a stronger state of equilibrium in the different versions of truth--tired as they are of the long, wasteful string of investigations accusations, and lawsuits (all of which led to more lies) that characterizes how their leaders run the country.

``In the story `The Boy Who Cried Wolf’, the farmers' response system have adapted to the boy's incessant false alarms by incorporating `focused deafness’ and apathy. Along came the real wolf and killed the sheep. The story tells us that the boy was remorseful. Sadly though, both the boy and the farmers were the losers.’’

From Ronald Cagape, IT professional:

```It’, the bid to remove Pres. Arroyo, is not moving because it doesn't have all three elements in place.

``First, there are no people who fit the Law of the Few. Now it can be said that former Pres. Aquino and Susan Roces actually have minimal impact. Whoever is backing them ought to notice that by now. With the passing of Cardinal Sin, the influence of the Catholic Church has diminished. The church is currently being led by committee. I didn't watch the televised grandstanding during the impeachment vote but I could bet the opposition congressmen confirmed to the world that recycling cliches do not make a genuine leader. Sadly, there is no one in the opposition who could proclaim himself a Connector, Maven or Salesman.

``Actually, there are people who fit the Law of the Few but they work for the President. Speaker De Venecia is a potent Connector and Salesman in political circles. So is former President Ramos. I'm sure, the Mavens in the presidential think-tank worked tirelessly to ensure the impeachment vote didn't go the other way. This is the team that has to be overcome if you want to tip the movement to the other side.

``Second, the Stickiness Factor in the movement is not compelling enough. All they have is `Hello, Garci’. It doesn't evoke an image repugnant enough to move people to action. All I remember is a disgruntled former NBI man with personal grudges proclaiming he has the `mother of all tapes’. He could be a Maven, if he could be called Maven, but he did not stand for anything. He was not an embodiment of principle or integrity or honor. He had no credibility. I could argue that he was just a bad joke. Which probably led to ‘Hello Garci’ spawning a bevy of text jokes. I couldn't even remember his name (was it Ong?).

``If (they) want the President removed, they should find something despicable and make it sticky, such as the dancing Tessie Oreta-Aquino in EDSA 2. Now THAT was sticky. Or `Tama na, sobra na’ of the original People Power movement. These sticky factors riled people enough that they vented their anger in the streets. Which leads me to think, maybe the President isn't doing anything vile after all. Is cheating really all that bad? Which leads me to the last point.

``The Context has no Power. In an environment where everyone knows that all politicians cheat anyway, finding out your President cheated is not powerful enough to generate anger. So what if she cheated to be President? Every senator and congressman bidding to remove her also cheated. So why are they casting stones…?

``Besides, if there was widespread cheating, the Namfrel or (the PPCRV) should've caught it during the election. They essentially gave the election a clean bill of health. It was generally accepted as a clean and orderly election…

``I don't see this tipping anytime soon.’’

From Ernie Adaya:

``Why isn't it tipping? The answer is very simple: `Because she's tipping’ and tipping generously for survival. In the Philippines, politicians, the influence peddlers, etc. are always on the lookout for the tipping point, because, like the waiters and waitresses in restaurants, they know that at the tipping point, the `tips’ will start flowing generously.

``Gladwell fails to realize that in the Philippines, there is a fourth rule of the Tipping Point, that is the Power of the `tip’ or the `Tipping’ Factor.’’

From someone named Jori, for bleeding hearts out there:

``ma'am, where can i possibly find the book `The Tipping Point’...the one you're referring to in your column… i found it interesting… nabasa ko rin mga reviews about the book sa net. kaya lang baka di ko kaya ang price (in the red kc ako sa ngayon). i'm only good at second-hand books right now. can i possibly borrow one from you? sorry po... wala kc ako kilala mahiraman. thank you po.’’

Why isn’t it tipping?

``The tipping point is that magic moment when an idea, trend or social behavior crosses a threshold, tips, and spreads like wildfire… The tipping point is the moment of critical mass, the threshold, the boiling point…It is the name given to that one dramatic moment in an epidemic when everything can change all that once.’’

Those definitions are from the bestseller and page-turner ``The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Different’’ by Malcolm Gladwell. (His latest is ``Blink’’.)

I think of the tipping point this way: Imagine holding a tray with a handful of marbles on one side. You tip the tray at an angle but the marbles seem unwilling to roll over to the other side. You tip some more. Then at a certain angle of the tray the marbles suddenly all roll in unison to the other side.

At that tipping point, movement takes place. This example, similar to the seesaw, illustrates in a physical way the so-called tipping point phenomenon which political watchers—in barbershops and beauty salons, political circles, cockpits, churches, academe--are anticipating.

When would it happen? How would it happen? Why isn’t it happening? ``It’’ is some kind of People Power 3, reminiscent of the previous two that saw a long-staying dictator and a president, just two years in office, removed dramatically.

Just an aside. ``The tipping point’’ has found its way to the lips of politicians who love the phrases ``at the end of the day’’ and--this one will make Einstein and editors cringe--``at this point in time’’.

Since Day One of the political crisis engulfing the Arroyo administration, spawned by the so-called ``Hello, Garci’’ tapes, people have been anticipating, either with eagerness or with dread, PGMA’s downfall. Many thought it would be in early July when a series of events happened in one day. There were bold moves, such as cabinet resignations, protests in the streets and louder calls for PGMA’s stepping down, with no less than former Pres. Cory Aquino in the lead.

That day the clamor seemed to be peaking and the balance seemed to be tipping. And if you based your predictions on the way things appeared on TV, it was just a matter of hours or days, even as loyal local government officials from the provinces made the opposite move and came to the President’s rescue.

PGMA didn’t resign. The tide against her wasn’t forceful enough to topple her.

The impeachment process in Congress took place. The much-watched process was nipped in the bud early on during the longest-in-history plenary session. More than 200 valedictories with immortal quotations–from Mother Teresa, Saint Paul, Aristotle, Newton to Cardinal Sin--yielded 158-52-6.

Again, street protests, led by Mrs. Aquino and a mix of ideologically and politically incompatible and divergent bedfellows linking arms, ensued.

Still, the balance didn’t tip. People Power 3 wasn’t happening. Why?

Tired of waiting for it to happen? Relieved that it hasn’t happened? Baffled and befuddled?

Maybe we can learn a thing or two from Gladwell’s explorations on how social epidemics spread, whether these are fashion trends, diseases, behavior patterns or crime. As journalist Deirdre Donahue said: ``One of the most interesting aspects of Gladwell’s book is the way it reaffirms that human beings are profoundly social beings influenced by and influencing other human beings, no matter how much technology we introduce into our lives.’’

That seems to be telling us not to trust the texting brigade too much that we forget there are other more effective ways like, um, word of mouth and having the right people say the right things. The right people to cast the first stone.

Gladwell does not just propose answers from out of the blue. He explains away by investigating true-to-life events that showed how the tipping point phenomena occurred. How did Hush Puppies regain its popularity in a spontaneous way? Why did the Baltimore syphilis epidemic peak? What was it about Paul Revere and his midnight ride across Boston in 1775 that resulted in the routing of the British and the start of the war known as the American Revolution? Why did Paul Revere’s warning tip while another crier’s did not?

Gladwell also expounds on the results of experiments conducted by social psychologists, such as the one by Stanley Milgram who wanted to find an answer to what is called the ``small-world’’ problem. How are human beings connected? Do we all belong to separate worlds or are we all bound up together in an interlocking web? How does an idea, or a piece of news—the British are coming!—travel through a population?

The results were confounding.

Gladwell summarizes the rules of the Tipping Point into three: the Law of the Few, the Stickiness Factor and the Power of Context.

The Law of the Few says that through social connections, energy, enthusiasm and personality, word spreads.

The Stickiness Factor says that there are specific ways of making a contagious message memorable; there are relatively simple changes in the presentation and structuring of information that make a big difference in how much of an impact it makes.

The Power of Context says that human beings are a lot more sensitive to their environment than they may seem.

So why is it not tipping? Or to use another situation, why is the cake not rising? Maybe the ingredients are old, stale and spoiled. Maybe the ingredients are incompatible.

``The Tipping Point’’ is also about changing one’s way of looking at the world. I did that two weeks ago by attending a seminar on the Quantum World under Dr. Ibarra ``Nim’’ Gonzales.

'Prothom alo', first light

One night last week when some members of the so-called ``Hyatt 10’’ (five to be exact) who wanted the President removed from office were at the Inquirer to talk to editors and to also complain about an editorial that did not put them in a good light, a guest in another room was sharing with some reporters and columnists his experiences as an editor of the biggest daily in Bangladesh.

Our esteemed guest was Matiur Rahman, 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Awardee for Journalism, Literature and Creative Communication Arts. Rahman is not just a newspaperman, he is also an advocate of women’s rights who actively uses the power of the media, the written word in particular, to help end violence against women.

Rahman and four others from different fields received their awards (cash included) at solemn ceremonies on Aug. 31.

Rahman was awarded for ``wielding media for constructive social change’’. Sorry, no Filipino awardee this year.

In the media, this year’s RM awards and related activities were clearly eclipsed by all the ado about the impeachment process against the President.



Rahman has been described as ``the navigator of positive social and cultural change’’ in Bangladesh. He founded the Bangla language daily newspaper Prothom Alo (which means first light) in 1998. The daily broke all previous circulation records and before its first anniversary, it peaked at a circulation of 1.2 million. It has now averaged at 225,000.

Why the amazing start? Prothom Alo satisfied readers who were thirsty for authentic news, bold revelations and a popular stance to side with the nation and its people. But Prothom Alo went beyond journalism. It has crossed over to advocacy, something most media practitioners and believers in so-called objective journalism (if there is such a thing) are not wont to do.

How did this start? One day a senior sub-editor on women’s issues came in so sad and sick of what has been happening. Here was another acid throwing incident.

Rahman thought: ``How often have I gone mad for breaking news in the bizarre forest of politics and economics? All those strikes and speeches, do they mean anything? In fact, how important are they compared to this tragedy? And how many times will this continue? Why should one burn someone’s face with acid?’’

Rahman left the office with the sub-editor and rushed to hospital. He recalled seeing doctors, the police and reporters gathered around. Rahman was one of them, a spectator. He could smell the burnt flesh. The victim’s face had third-degree burns from hydrochloric acid.

The girl was just 15. As the story went, she refused the advances of the son of a local don. Slighted, the guy made good his revenge by throwing acid on the girl while she was studying by the window of her home.

``Can’t we do something?’’ Rahman challenged his staff as soon as he got back to the office.

Prothom Alo continues to loudly cry against acid throwing, a crime committed against women who are supposed to have offended their male attackers when they denied them sex, marriage or suitable dowries. Many women are also maimed and disfigured in this manner because of family feuds, land disputes or local rivalries.

When splashed on the face, the acid burns the skin and affects the facial bones and eyes, leaving victims permanently disfigured. Acid commonly used in jewelry, tannery and battery shops is highly corrosive.

According to Rahman, some 300 people are disfigured in acid throwing incidents every year. Unlike bride burning (by throwing gas) in India which has been a criminal practice for a long time, acid throwing is new to Bangladesh. The number of cases has grown in the past decade.

Through Prothom Alo, Rahman has called on the nation to respond. Through daily appeals, Rahman declared war on acid throwers and pleaded to readers to contribute to the Prothom Alo Aid Fund for acid victims.

With scarred and disfigured acid victims lending their voices, Rahman solicited donations at rallies and press conferences. He also called upon celebrities and volunteers to spread the appeal throughout the country. In no time, word spread and Bangladeshis at home and abroad gave their share. Rahman acknowledged each small share in the newspaper and channeled donations directly to the victims.

Donations were used for burn treatments, plastic surgery, legal fees, living expenses, new dwellings for some and income-generating assets such as milking cows, sewing machines, land, shops, etc.

Prothom Alo also kept the pressure on the government to strengthen laws against acid attacks and the unregulated sale of dangerous chemicals. In 2002, Bangladesh’s Acid Crimes Prevention Act and Acid Control Act stiffened penalties for acid throwers and tightened licensing requirements for acid sale.

The public’s response to Prothom Alo’s appeals affirmed Rahman’s belief that ``society is not sleeping.’’ By June 2005, some 8.2 million taka had been coursed to over 100 acid throwing victims.

Rahman has since widened his advocacy and has taken up issues related to HIV-AIDS, drug abuse and Muslim extremists. His vigilance does not come without a price. Rahman is regularly harassed and threatened and the government has withdrawn advertising from Prothom Alo and even haled him to court for the paper’s critical reporting.

A man with an easy smile, Rahman takes it all in stride. For him, Prothom Alo is the people’s ``hope against hope.’’ He says: ``I work to use it for the cause of the people.’’
Hold on to your prothom alo, your first light.